Until the 1980s, gerontologists and others who were writing about the process of aging largely ignored GLBT issues. Among the few exceptions, two articles in particular deserve mention. Both articles were published as book chapters in Positively Gay, an anthology edited by Berzon (1970) and revised by Berzon and Leighton in 1979. The Older Lesbian, by Martin and Lyon (founders of the Daughters of Bilitis), discussed the place of role-playing and secrecy in the relationships of older lesbians and introduced the term “lace curtain lesbians” to describe lesbians who lived in relationships with other women but refused to acknowledge their same-sex sexual orientation. “Adjustment to Aging Among Gay Men,” by Kimmel (1979), refuted stereotypes of older gay men that labeled them lonely, friendless, and without support, suggesting instead that there is great diversity in the lives of such men. The article pointed out that societal attitudes, rather than something inherent in being an aging gay male, create problems for gay men as they age.

One of the most notable articles on gay male gerontology, by Kelly (1977), also refuted stereotypes of gay males as lonely and secluded. It is particularly significant because it was the first to be published in a major mainstream journal of gerontology. As the large number of citations of this article in the gerontological literature within the next several years illustrates, Kelly’s work was pivotal in bringing GLBT gerontology to the forefront.

Another important study on gay aging was carried out by a social worker named Berger (1982). In a survey conducted in the Midwest, he studied the life experiences of 112 gay men who were 40 years of age and older. Berger found that men who socialized intergenerationally tended to be better adjusted than their counterparts who did not. The men in Berger’s study were relatively more positive about their lives than subjects reported on in subsequent studies (for example, Lee, 1987, 1988). More important, Berger discussed what he called “mastery of stigma,” an idea that continues to influence writings on GLBT aging. Mastery of stigma hypothesizes that gay and lesbian people cope better with the stigma of being elderly because they have had to deal with the stigma of being gay all their lives. When a person has been able to deal positively with the stigma of being GLBT, he or she is likely to be able to deal positively with the stigma of aging as well. Berger’s study also found that some of the men experienced a positive benefit from being retired. Since they were no longer in the workforce, they no longer had to face the threat of job discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation.

Legal and social systems do not allow for the variations of family that characterize the lives of GLBT people (for additional discussion about the effects of discrimination, see Vacha, 1985). It should be noted that Berger’s subjects tended to be relatively well off financially, involved in their community, and largely white, all variables that likely influenced his findings.

Berger argued that the problems of older gay men come primarily from society rather than from the attitudes of the men themselves. One example of these issues for GLBT people is prejudice and personal and institutional discrimination in health care, as illustrated by some nursing homes, hospitals, and medical practitioners. Same-sex couples may be denied to right to live together in retirement settings or to make medical decisions for their partners. Doctors and other medical professionals may deny intersexed and other transgender persons the medical treatment they need because of blatant bias against them. Medical mistreatment, in particular, is a common theme in writings on transgender people.

An interesting study of men over 50 living in Canada (Lee, 1988) reported findings different from those of Berger’s study. Lee found that older gay men tended to be somewhat cynical about their younger counterparts and resented, to some degree, their “in your face” gay liberationist stance toward the world. Lee suggested that for some older men, the pressure to come out is a disruption of privacy rather than a liberating experience. Lee also discussed the relative invisibility of older gay men in the GLBT community in Canada, a phenomenon that has also been noted in the United States by other researchers on GLBT aging (see, for example, Adelman, 1986; Berger, 1982; Cooper, 1988; Fullmer, 1999; Kehoe, 1989). The men in Lee’s study were not as well off economically as the men in Berger’s study, and they were somewhat less positive about their life circumstances.

One important study on the aging of both women and men began as a dissertation (Adelman, 1986). Perhaps the most important finding was a confirmation of Berger’s previous work. People who had adjusted well to being gay or lesbian tended to have fewer psychosomatic complaints than people who had not adjusted well to their sexual orientation. Like Berger, Adelman found a connection between adjustment to being gay (or lesbian) and adjustment to aging. Another study that dealt exclusively with women surveyed 100 lesbians who were 60 years of age or older (Kehoe, 1989). Kehoe pointed out that her research findings were limited because her subjects were white, well-educated women. She found that the women were more likely to be celibate than the men in previous studies and that they tended to have relatively good self-esteem.

More recently Fullmer et al. (1999) examined identity development among older GLBT people and used the concept of competing stereotypes to discuss the invisibility of older GLBT people both within and outside the GLBT communities. The primary tenet was that a popular stereotype about older people is that they are not sexual. Likewise, a popular stereotype about GLBT people is that their identity is primarily sexual. These competing stereotypes can inhibit a person’s ability to consciously recognize older people who are GLBT. One can see this dynamic at work when visiting a nursing home. It is not likely to occur to visitors who are interacting with the residents that an older person may be GLBT. This recognition is unlikely to occur, in part, because of the effect of competing stereotypes.

Donovan (2001) wrote one of the few articles specifically addressing transgender aging, a short first-person account of being older and transgender. She tells her story of coming of age in the 1950s and 1960s. She had difficulties in finding employment and maintaining a steady income apart from public assistance throughout her life. Her stories of direct and harsh abuse from the medical establishment, including one incident in which a doctor called in other medical workers and forcibly “held up her dress” for others to see her male genitals, are disturbing. An important point that Donovan makes is that transgender people are often denied the opportunity to be gainfully employed in their youth, and they suffer the financial consequences of that later in life.

In another article on GLBT aging, Jones (2001) discussed the problems and challenges of aging for GLBT elders. The author pointed out that issues faced by GLBT elders are essentially the same as for other aging people. GLBT people, however, face additional problems and challenges. He identified ageism, loneliness, and health status as the three primary problems of aging people in general.

Issues specific to GLBT people include a highly sexualized culture that privileges youth, particularly in the gay male community. The author also pointed out that AIDS has left some gay men with fewer friends who can offer support in old age. Finally Jones reiterated the need for health care providers to develop sensitivity to GLBT issues and the necessity for advance planning for one’s later years. In summary, the research on GLBT aging has some consistent characteristics with respect to its implications for older GLBT people. People who are GLBT are not legitimated and are seen as inferior to heterosexuals. For this reason, health care and social services for older people are not designed to deal with the particular needs of older GLBT people. Simple actions such as visiting a life partner in the hospital may be complicated by hospital rules that allow only biological family members to visit and do not allow partners to participate in health care decision making.

Older GLBT people can feel invisible, even within the GLBT communities. An older person who comes out late in life may find it difficult to meet people of the same age and to develop relationships because of a youth-oriented culture both within and outside the GLBT communities. Research suggests, however, that despite the previously noted issues, many GLBT people are comfortable with their lives and have developed strong social support networks. For some, being GLBT may actually enhance their ability to adjust to the process of aging.